Zero Tolerance Policing

Zero Tolerance Policing Within modern society the contemporary debate from the population is, ‘what do we want from our police forces and what is an acceptable level of performance should be in terms of fairness and effectiveness of today’s policing. Bowling (2007) in his research study outlined the importance of ‘zero tolerance policing and ‘problem orientated policing’ within society. The author in this assignment will analyse what the public actually want from their police force and also outline and evaluate the concept of ‘zero tolerance policing’ and ‘problem orientated policing’ by using Bowling (2007) views within his research papers. Within police policies and powers which are governed by individual acts produced and enforced within Parliament and are sanctioned in the police and criminal evidence act (1994). This act deals with the complex interpretation of criminal and police evidence which puts these policies into application that are practical within society. The majority of these were supportive of concepts that deal with various crime and criminal activities that are socially unacceptable such as anti-social behaviour. Within communities and neighbourhoods the concept of change in the police force was needed within modern society. ‘Zero tolerance’ concept of policing started in New York (US) at a period in time when the drug trade and various other socio-economic factors showed an increase in these criminal activities. Homicide in particular saw an increase, it increased an incredible 63% within the periods of 1985-1990 (Bowling 1999). Bowling (1999) states in his research paper that the rise of Homicide in the state of New York maybe connected to the decline in the drug market and inner fights with various street gangs within New York City. Due to this increase in criminal activities within New York, the New York Police Department commissioner promised prior to becoming elected that he would try and reinvent the streets of the city of New York (McLaughlin 2007). With the full backing of the newly appointed Mayor of New York, they would now ensure that they will enforce the law and provide ‘zero tolerance’ policing with New York City. In the UK, Jack Straw and Tony Blair tried to recreate this policy on ‘zero tolerance’ within the streets of Britain. Jack Straw’s concept was to allow the police the power to, †¦..†Reclaim Britain increasingly brutalised urban spaces from winos, addicts, squeegee merchants, graffiti taggers, louts and disorderly youths’’†¦.. McLaughlin (2007). During the decades there have been a number of attempts of reforming the police force within society through legal changes that attempts to transform police cultures and accountability within the police force. During the concept of police reform within today’s modern society should be concerned with accountability and responsiveness to the communities and neighbourhood in which the police force are serving. Within the police forces geographical area, the communities should be guaranteed the maintained of peace and be protected by their local police force within society. It is clear that with the introduction of ‘the new police’ in the 18th Century, have played a pivotal role in the general literature within policing. Policing within England perceived various problems in society, concerning popular disorder within various classes, including the poorer members of society. The ‘new police’ were associated with the mechanisms of social order and control within society. The working poorer class was incorporated into a life which is seen as more of a disciplined movement in the development of reform, common and extremely recurrent in the 18th Century. The policies of the police were to find effective ways of preventing and reducing criminal activities within society and provide a positive method and concept of policing for all members of the community. The policies and procedures of policing have general law enforcement duties that include the concept of regular patrols and responding to general public’s calls for various police service. The role of the police within society goes far beyond the general public’s imagination and their roles change from day to day. Their work regime reflects on the various roles within society which can be directing traffic to homicide. In all of these activities the officer is carrying out their role in the criminal justice system.society. Within society the police are expected to fully protect and govern the streets within modern society, the concept of ‘zero tolerance’ policing was introduced to establish a safer policing regime to protect and ensure the safety of communities and neighbourhoods within society. Zero tolerance policing is extremely popular with the general public who see this as the police being tougher on any types of criminal activity. In July 2003 a poll conducted by ICM (2003) analysed and concluded that the support from ‘zero tolerance policing showed a majority of the general public were in favour of this type of policing within their neighbourhoods and communities. Zero tolerance style of policing within society can be extremely beneficial to communities and this can lead to reductions in criminal activities within the geographical area. However zero tolerance policing can have a negative effect on the communities within society, with the presence of the police presence can antagonise racial motivated criminal activities in communities if not policed correctly and effectively. Within the concept of ‘zero-tolerance’ policing the concept of ‘Broken windows theory’ is utilised by criminologists. Kelling et al (1982) they suggest that any low-level criminal activities must be solved quickly, thus, mending the ‘broken windows’ if these activities are not resolved straight away further disorders and crimes may escalate within societies community. The concept of dealing with disorderly conditions to try and prevent any criminal activity is present in police strategies where the police the police attempt to impose social and community order through strict enforcement. According to Cordner (1998) and Skogan (2006) community and problem-orientated policing concepts and strategies where police officers tried to develop order and reduce criminal activity through the method of cooperation within neighbourhoods and community members and address recurring criminal problems within society. This method of policing varies from geograph ical area across police forces, but the concept of ‘Broken windows’ is utilised in the prevention of crime control. Weisburd et al (2007) analysed that the concept of ‘broken windows’ con be defined as, †¦.Ones perception of incivilities in the neighbourhood or community that has more of an impact than the amount of incivilities within the neighbourhood or community†¦.. (Weisburd Braga, 2007). Houses that are unkempt and are not cared for gives individuals who are committing criminal activities the misconception and impression that the community does not care or value the quality of life within their neighbourhood. The environment signals the criminal individuals the freedom to steal, litter, and vandalize this geographical area within the community. Within the community if there is various types of unkempt houses this could open up the communities and neighbourhoods to be exposed to various types of disorders, such as loitering and public drunkenness, that if the problem is not dealt with could exculpate and therefore lead to more serious crimes. †¦.. Neighbourhood and community disorders can influence honest people to move out of the neighbourhood or lock themselves in their homes, but it influences the disorderly and especially criminals to move into the neighbourhood and commit criminal activities†¦.. (Harcourt, Nov. 1998:297). Within communities and neighbourhoods if certain individuals are committing disorderly activities such as, youths and teenagers gathering in front of the local small convenience store. These individuals can start to consume alcohol in front of the shop and over a period of time the area is unkempt and considered to be a problematic area of society. Community and neighbourhood members are can be therefore be approached and hassled by very persistent disorderly individuals. This can lead to local members of the community feeling that their neighbourhood is no longer safe place to live. The individuals can feel intense insecurity can therefore force the individuals to stay inside of their homes, or relocate to another area, which leads to empty houses and can lead to further deterioration of the neighbourhood. Zero tolerance method of policing can be defined in many ways. The most widely used approach involves strict non-discretionary enforcement of criminal law regardless of the circumstances and nature of the offence. Many advocates of zero tolerance stimulate that whilst it does consist of positive methods by the police, it does not automatically lead to the conviction and arrest of minor offences and criminal activities within society. Advocates also claim that zero tolerance policing can reduce criminal activity within society and also reduces the fear of crime in communities. Zero Tolerance policing can also drastically increase the confidence in the ability of the police by the community and neighbourhood members and can also be beneficial to the community and also help with problem orientated policing. The concept of Problem-Oriented Policingoffers the theory that †¦..â€Å"the more the police force are accurately and can therefore identify and minimize the immediate causes of trends and patterns of crime, hopefully the less crime there will be within society† (Sherman, 1993). In order to test this theory criminal activity has to be measured. However, the measurement of crime can be extremely problematic due to the various amount and types of crime within society and also the fact that unfortunately not all crimes are recorded. Therefore measuring how effective prevention methods are is also just as difficult. Adams (1996) research study emphasised the study on reducing youth crime in communities, he concluded that police officers can prevent the intersection of motivated criminal offenders within time and space with suitable targets of crime, the less criminal activity there will be. However the research study found that there was no obvious reduction in criminal activity by the setting of curfews for the majority of offenders which in the research study was aimed at youths in society. Another researcher Kennedy (1996) suggested the method and concept that the more police officers can remove weapons and guns from public open places and hopefully deter individuals in society carrying them in the environments of criminal events, the less criminal activities there should be. Through better knowledge and therefore application of search procedures Kennedy found that the reduction of gun carrying significantly reduced gun crime within society. Problem oriented policing can have massive benefits towards the community and hopefully it will promote more involvement in the issues of public safety, and in turn can reduce the feelings of fear and increases the feelings of safety within the general public in society. With good policing of the concept of problem orientated policing, it can promote an extremely positive perception of today’s modern police force. In conclusion most criminal activities within society are statistically increasing and the majority crime rates and especially the rates of violent related crimes are drastically increasing throughout the globe. Statistically the main targets for blame are higher drug consumption, higher inequality of individuals in communities and racial motivated crimes, and greater availability of gun and knife crimes. Within the government some politics viewpoints can favor the principle of rehabilitation and structural improvement to fight crime within society. The concept of ’zero tolerance’ and ‘problem orientated policing’ aims to prevents serious crime by controlling and clamping down on the many different categories of minor crimes that police officers believe can lead to further criminal activities and therefore needs the concept of using custodial sentences for first time offences. A major body of research and many authors on the concept policing have analysed argued that modern day policing can be seen as not being an effective way of controlling crime and that in any case the method of dealing with criminal activity is not the only section of what the police force do and therefore it is considered not the distinctly role within the modern police force in society (Neyroud and Beckley 2001). Neyroud and Beckley (2001) in their research concluded that the pivotal role and functions of the modern police force highlights a move in the methods of the principle of law enforcement and criminal reduction and prevention in modern society. This concept of zero tolerance policing and problem orientated policing will hopefully allow the general public within communities to feel safer within their neighborhood’s and have total reliance of the police force that are policing today’s modern society. 1

Foundation and Empire 18. Fall Of The Foundation

There was an atmosphere about the Time Vault that just missed definition in several directions at once. It was not one of decay, for it was well-lit and well-conditioned, with the color scheme of the walls lively, and the rows of fixed chairs comfortable and apparently designed for eternal use. It was not even ancient, for three centuries had left no obvious mark. There was certainly no effort at the creation of awe or reverence, for the appointments were simple and everyday – next door to bareness, in fact. Yet after all the negatives were added and the sum disposed of, something was left – and that something centered about the glass cubicle that dominated half the room with its clear emptiness. Four times in three centuries, the living simulacrum of Hari Seldon himself had sat there and spoken. Twice he had spoken to no audience. Through three centuries and nine generations, the old man who had seen the great days of universal empire projected himself – and still he understood more of the Galaxy of his great-ultra-great-grandchildren, than did those grandchildren themselves. Patiently that empty cubicle waited. The first to arrive was Mayor Indbur III, driving his ceremonial ground car through the hushed and anxious streets. Arriving with him was his own chair, higher than those that belonged there, and wider. It was placed before all the others, and Indbur dominated all but the empty glassiness before him. The solemn official at his left bowed a reverent head. â€Å"Excellence, arrangements are completed for the widest possible sub-etheric spread for the official announcement by your excellence tonight.† â€Å"Good. Meanwhile, special interplanetary programs concerning the Time Vault are to continue. There will, of course, be no predictions or speculations of any sort on the subject. Does popular reaction continue satisfactory?† â€Å"Excellence, very much so. The vicious rumors prevailing of late have decreased further. Confidence is widespread.† â€Å"Good!† He gestured the man away and adjusted his elaborate neckpiece to a nicety. It was twenty minutes of noon! A select group of the great props of the mayoralty – the leaders of the great Trading organizations – appeared in ones and twos with the degree of pomp appropriate to their financial status and place in mayoral favor. Each presented himself to the mayor, received a gracious word or two, took an assigned seat. Somewhere, incongruous among the stilted ceremony of all this, Randu of Haven made his appearance and wormed his way unannounced to the mayor's seat. â€Å"Excellence!† he muttered, and bowed. Indbur frowned. â€Å"You have not been granted an audience. â€Å" â€Å"Excellence, I have requested one for a week.† â€Å"I regret that the matters of State involved in the appearance of Seldon have-â€Å" â€Å"Excellence, I regret them, too, but I must ask you to rescind your order that the ships of the Independent Traders be distributed among the fleets of the Foundation.† Indbur had flushed red at the interruption. â€Å"This is not the time for discussion.† â€Å"Excellence, it is the only time,† Randu whispered urgently. â€Å"As representative of the Independent Trading Worlds, I tell you such a move can not be obeyed. It must be rescinded before Seldon solves our problem for us. Once the emergency is passed, it will be too late to conciliate and our alliance will melt away.† Indbur stared at Randu coldly. â€Å"You realize that I am head of the Foundation armed forces? Have I the right to determine military policy or have I not?† â€Å"Excellence, you have, but some things are inexpedient.† â€Å"I recognize no inexpediency. It is dangerous to allow your people separate fleets in this emergency. Divided action plays into the hands of the enemy. We must unite, ambassador, militarily as well as politically.† Randu felt his throat muscles tighten. He omitted the courtesy of the opening title. â€Å"You feet safe now that Seldon will speak, and you move against us. A month ago you were soft and yielding, when our ships defeated the Mule at Terel. I might remind you, sir, that it is the Foundation Fleet that has been defeated in open battle five times, and that the ships of the Independent Trading Worlds have won your victories for you.† Indbur frowned dangerously, â€Å"You are no longer welcome upon Terminus, ambassador. Your return will be requested this evening. Furthermore, your connection with subversive democratic forces on Terminus will be – and has been – investigated.† Randu replied, â€Å"When I leave, our ships will go with me. I know nothing of your democrats. I know only that your Foundation's ships have surrendered to the Mule by the treason of their high officers, not their sailors, democratic or otherwise. I tell you that twenty ships of the Foundation surrendered at Horleggor at the orders of their rear admiral, when they were unharmed and unbeaten. The rear admiral was your own close associate – he presided at the trial of my nephew when he first arrived from Kalgan. It is not the only case we know of and our ships and men will not be risked under potential traitors. Indbur said, â€Å"You will be placed under guard upon leaving here.† Randu walked away under the silent stares of the contemptuous coterie of the rulers of Terminus. It was ten minutes of twelve! Bayta and Toran had already arrived. They rose in their back seats and beckoned to Randu as he passed. Randu smiled gently, â€Å"You are here after all. How did you work it?† â€Å"Magnifico was our politician,† grinned Toran. â€Å"Indbur insists upon his Visi-Sonor composition based on the Time Vault, with himself, no doubt, as hero. Magnifico refused to attend without us, and there was no arguing him out of it. Ebling Mis is with us, or was. He's wandering about somewhere.† Then, with a sudden access of anxious gravity, â€Å"Why, what's wrong, uncle? You don't look well.† Randu nodded, â€Å"I suppose not. We're in for bad times, Toran. When the Mule is disposed of, our turn will come, I'm afraid. â€Å" A straight solemn figure in white approached, and greeted them with a stiff bow. Bayta's dark eyes smiled, as she held out her hand, â€Å"Captain Pritcher! Are you on space duty then?† The captain took the hand and bowed lower, â€Å"Nothing like it. Dr. Mis, I understand, has been instrumental in bringing me here, but it's only temporary. Back to home guard tomorrow. What time is it?† It was three minutes of twelve! Magnifico was the picture of misery and heartsick depression. His body curled up, in his eternal effort at self-effacement. His long nose was pinched at the nostrils and his large, down-slanted eyes darted uneasily about. He clutched at Bayta's hand, and when she bent down, he whispered, â€Å"Do you suppose, my lady, that all these great ones were in the audience, perhaps, when I†¦ when I played the Visi-Sonor?† â€Å"Everyone, I'm sure,† Bayta assured him, and shook him gently. â€Å"And I'm sure they all think you're the most wonderful player in the Galaxy and that your concert was the greatest ever seen, so you just straighten yourself and sit correctly. We must have dignity.† He smiled feebly at her mock-frown and unfolded his long-boned limbs slowly. It was noon – and the glass cubicle was no longer empty. It was doubtful that anyone had witnessed the appearance. It was a clean break; one moment not there and the next moment there. In the cubicle was a figure in a wheelchair, old and shrunken, from whose wrinkled face bright eyes shone, and whose voice, as it turned out, was the livest thing about him. A book lay face downward in his lap, and the voice came softly. â€Å"I am Hari Seldon!† He spoke through a silence, thunderous in its intensity. â€Å"I am Hari Seldon! I do not know if anyone is here at all by mere sense-perception but that is unimportant. I have few fears as yet of a breakdown in the Plan. For the first three centuries the percentage probability of nondeviation is nine-four point two.† He paused to smile, and then said genially, â€Å"By the way, if any of you are standing, you may sit. If any would like to smoke, please do. I am not here in the flesh. I require no ceremony. â€Å"Let us take up the problem of the moment, then. For the first time, the Foundation has been faced, or perhaps, is in the last stages of facing, civil war. Till now, the attacks from without have been adequately beaten off, and inevitably so, according to the strict laws of psychohistory. The attack at present is that of a too-undisciplined outer group of the Foundation against the too-authoritarian central government. The procedure was necessary, the result obvious.† The dignity of the high-born audience was beginning to break. Indbur was half out of his chair. Bayta leaned forward with troubled eyes. What was the great Seldon talking about? She had missed a few of the words- â€Å"-that the compromise worked out is necessary in two respects. The revolt of the Independent Traders introduces an element of new uncertainty in a government perhaps grown over-confident. The element of striving is restored. Although beaten, a healthy increase of democracy-â€Å" There were raised voices now. Whispers had ascended the scale of loudness, and the edge of panic was in them. Bayta said in Toran's ear, â€Å"Why doesn't he talk about the Mule? The Traders never revolted.† Toran shrugged his shoulders. The seated figure spoke cheerfully across and through the increasing disorganization: â€Å"-a new and firmer coalition government was the necessary and beneficial outcome of the logical civil war forced upon the Foundation. And now only the remnants of the old Empire stand in the way of further expansion, and in them, for the next few years, at any rate, is no problem. Of course, I can not reveal the nature of the next prob-â€Å" In the complete uproar, Seldon's lips moved soundlessly. Ebling Mis was next to Randu, face ruddy. He was shouting. â€Å"Seldon is off his rocker. He's got the wrong crisis. Were your Traders ever planning civil war?† Randu said thinly, â€Å"We planned one, yes. We called it off in the face of the Mule.† â€Å"Then the Mule is an added feature, unprepared for in Seldon's psychohistory. Now what's happened?† In the sudden, frozen silence, Bayta found the cubicle once again empty. The nuclear glow of the walls was dead, the soft current of conditioned air absent. Somewhere the sound of a shrill siren was rising and falling in the scale and Randu formed the words with his lips, â€Å"Space raid!† And Ebling Mis held his wrist watch to his ears and shouted suddenly, â€Å"Stopped, by the â€Å"Ga-LAX-y, is there a watch in the room that is going?† His voice was a roar. Twenty wrists went to twenty ears. And in far less than twenty seconds, it was quite certain that none were. â€Å"Then,† said Mis, with a grim and horrible finality, â€Å"something has stopped all nuclear power in the Time Vault – and the Mule is attacking.† Indbur's wail rose high above the noise, â€Å"Take your seats! The Mule is fifty parsecs distant.† â€Å"He was,† shouted back Mis, â€Å"a week ago. Right now, Terminus is being bombarded.† Bayta felt a deep depression settle softly upon her. She felt its folds tighten close and thick, until her breath forced its way only with pain past her tightened throat. The outer noise of a gathering crowd was evident. The doors were thrown open and a harried figure entered, and spoke rapidly to Indbur, who had rushed to him. â€Å"Excellence,† he whispered, â€Å"not a vehicle is running in the city, not a communication line to the outside is open. The Tenth Fleet is reported defeated and the Mule's ships are outside the atmosphere. The general staff-â€Å" Indbur crumpled, and was a collapsed figure of impotence upon the floor. In all that hall, not a voice was raised now. Even the growing crowd without was fearful, but silent, and the horror of cold panic hovered dangerously. Indbur was raised. Wine was held to his lips. His lips moved before his eyes opened, and the word they formed was, â€Å"Surrender!† Bayta found herself near to crying – not for sorrow or humiliation, but simply and plainly out of a vast frightened despair. Ebling Mis plucked at her sleeve. â€Å"Come, young lady-â€Å" She was pulled out of her chair, bodily. â€Å"We're leaving,† he said, â€Å"and take your musician with you.† The plump scientist's lips were trembling and colorless. â€Å"Magnifico,† said Bayta, faintly. The clown shrank in horror. His eyes were glassy. â€Å"The Mule,† he shrieked. â€Å"The Mule is coming for me.† He thrashed wildly at her touch. Toran leaned over and brought his fist up sharply. Magnifico slumped into unconsciousness and Toran carried him out potato-sack fashion. The next day, the ugly, battle-black ships of the Mule poured down upon the landing fields of the planet Terminus. The attacking general sped down the empty main street of Terminus City in a foreign-made ground car that ran where a whole city of atomic cars still stood useless. The proclamation of occupation was made twenty-four hours to the minute after Seldon had appeared before the former mighty of the Foundation. Of all the Foundation planets, only the Independent Traders still stood, and against them the power of the Mule – conqueror of the Foundation – now turned itself.

Education For Citizenship Analysis - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 15 Words: 4483 Downloads: 6 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? Rationale à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Can a concept of citizenship à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"based on equal rights and a shared sense of belonging moderate, transcend or displace identity politics and concepts of nationality?à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Smith (2003), cited in Maitles, 2005:49) The above statement was the building block for this dissertation and highlights the challenge that educators face if education for citizenship is to become a success. Citizenship is at the core of A Curriculum for Excellence, it permeates all subject areas with its à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"values of wisdom, compassion, integrity and justiceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Scottish Government, 2011b). The Scottish Government, claim that education for citizenship enables children to address issues such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"peace and conflict resolution, social equality and appreciation of diversityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (ibid). Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Education For Citizenship Analysis" essay for you Create order Whilst Scotland is a diverse country, diversity itself, it seems, breeds intolerance and inequality (Willems et al, 2010). Whilst it is claimed that education for citizenship can overcome these inequalities, (LTS, 2002) critics argue that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã…“there are limits to what can be done in terms of the contribution that school policies per se can make to eradicating these inequalitiesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬? (Maitles, 2005:16) Citizenship, and its potential has been a personal matter of interest since I began my initial teacher training. Whilst I have always appreciated the purpose and necessity of education for citizenship, I have also been mindful of the hypocrisy of teaching citizenship values to children who, due to circumstances beyond their control, have never experienced these values themselves. I have found this unsettling, and my initial research has demonstrated that I am not alone in this issue (Maitles, 2005; LTS, 2002). Being born and raised in the West of Scotland and I am acutely aware that sectarianism is a term associated with this particular area. For my own part, religion played no part in my home environment but was respected and a source of interest. However, I routinely heard sectarian language being casually thrown around the playground at my non-denominational school. My initial reading has demonstrated that there is a vast contrast in opinion regarding sectarianism, from Steve Bruce et al (2005), who suggests that sectarianism is a myth, to government opinion which state that Scotland is scarred by sectarianism (J. McConnell (2006), cited in Scottish Executive, 2006) On paper, citizenship is the key to a tolerant, compassionate, inter-cultural nation. However, can it eradicate and overcome the root causes of sectarianism within Scotland? (384 words) Introduction and Method Section The purpose of this review of literature is to ascertain if teaching education for citizenship in Scottish primary schools can help to eradicate sectarian values and attitudes from Scotland. There are four main key areas which need to be addressed throughout the course of this research and each of them will be expanded further upon; * The first section shall focus on citizenship itself; the history, philosophy and Scotlandà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s position regarding citizenship. * Secondly, this dissertation will address Education for Citizenship, with the focus on; current policy, A Curriculum for Excellence, and possible areas of concern. * The penultimate section aims to scrutinize sectarianism itself; its history and relevance to Scotland, its causes/roots, the Scottish Governments stance and the Churchà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s perspective. * The fourth and final section shall explore using citizenship as a means to eradicate sectarianism from Scotland; current initiatives, examples of good practice promoting anti-sectarianism and ways of implementing citizenship skills. On concluding all four sections of the review, only then will this dissertation attempt to draw satisfactory conclusions determining if, through teaching citizenship in Scottish primary schools, sectarianism can be consigned to Scottish history. Research has so far shown that education for citizenship is a contemporary trend, currently being addressed by both academics and the government. Sectarianism research appears to have peaked from 1999-2005, with little literature on the subject being, so far, uncovered. However, in order to address this dissertation question fittingly, and produce a thorough review of literature a range of resources and methods have been utilized: The University of the West of Scotland and the University of Glasgow have both been utilised to source: Books: initially found through topic searches, subsequently found through using bibliographies and reference lists to find further relevant material. Inter-library loans. Academic Journals: accessed via the library catalogue and additional databases (e.g. ERIC, Taylor and Frances, Google Scholar) focusing on key words, particularly à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"citizenshipà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"sectarianismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ but also à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Scottish Primary Schoolsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"intoleranceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. Learning and Teaching Scotland website, alongside the Scottish Government website have been used to gain access to relevant documentation. Policy documents and reports; mainly Scottish but English policies/reports have been used to create a relevant context. The internet was used to source relevant information, again focusing on key words (as stated above) Anti-sectarian charity, Nil By Mouth Church of Scotland Roman Catholic Church of Scotland For the purpose of this paper, it has been decided to focus primarily on literature written within a timeline of the last ten years (2000-2010), with the exception of literature which provides relevant historical information. It has been determined that literature of a more recent date will provide this dissertation with more precise, relevant conclusions in order to determine if education for citizenship can help to eradicate sectarian values and attitudes from Scotland. (469 words) Literature Review Citizenship History and Philosophy of Citizenship The concept of citizenship is the foundation of this research, therefore it shall briefly ascertain what citizenship is. Citizenship is by no means a modern concept, its roots can be traced back to ancient Greece and the then city-state of Athens, where citizens overcame their own differences for the greater good of their city (Miller, 2000). However, even from its historical roots, there is evidence of the great philosophers, Aristotle and Plato, attempting to define citizenship. There is a vast and varied opinion on what citizenship is. Ann Philips (2000:36) claims that citizenship à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"divides people into those who belong and those who do notà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, whilst political scientist, Greer and Matzke state simply that citizenship à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"is a set of rights that come from belonging to a communityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2009:2). Perhaps more realistically, Hartley (2010:235) defines citizenship as being à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"at heart a combative term, with a long history of bloodshed, struggle, resistance, hope, fear and terror caught up in its trainà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. These diverse accounts of what citizenship is highlights that little has changed in the last 2500 years since Aristotle stated à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"The nature of citizenshipis a question which is often disputed: there is no general agreement on a single definitionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Aristotle, cited in Oliver and Heater, 1994:vii) English sociologist T.H.Marshall, defined citizenship as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"a status bestowed on those who are full members of the communityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Marshall (1963), cited in Powell, 2009:25). During the 1950à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s, he proposed that citizenship could be à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"divided into three elements, civil, political and socialà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Hartley, 2010; Greer and Matzke, 2009; Oliver and Heater, 1994; Pearce and Hallgarten, 2000). His vision was based on equality, that regardless of gender, race or religion, if you were a full member of the community, you were entitled to citizenship status. Marshallà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s model for citizenship has been criticised due to his three elements being à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"defined by equalityyet in practice they operate in a context of social inequalityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Greer and Matzke, 2009:5). This view is mirrored by Evans who reminds us to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"consider ways in which social disadvantage undermines citizenship by denying people full participation in societyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Evans, cited in Maitles, 2005:2). However, it is nonetheless still held in high regard and used as a platform for other academics and governments to build on, as can be seen in Lord Goldsmiths Citizenship Review (2008). Scotlandà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s Position Active citizenship is central to the Scottish Curriculum for Excellence. Their aim is that children will à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"play a full and active part in society politically, socially, economically, environmentally and culturallyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Learning and Teaching Scotland (LTS), 2011). In Scotland, as a result of devolution, citizenship is a key issue. The UK, is no longer one nation-state with a single social citizenship but is comprised of four countries, each with its own regional social citizenship (Jeffrey, 2009). Indeed, Greer (2009:198) states that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"a single, shared, social citizenship for the UK is today a contested political goal if it is not purely a mythà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. Some politicians have even gone as far as to suggest a European state, which would provide a whole new scope for social citizenship, and would require redefining of citizenship in the 21st century (Jeffrey, 2009). Scottish children must be provided with the knowledge, skills and values which allow them to appreciate à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"the importance of citizenshipà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and be able to not only scrutinise a concept which is based on equality but question what equality means and its implications for all of society. Only by children striving to find answers to these questions can the concept of citizenship adapt and progress effectively into the 21st century (Greer, 2009). Education is essential in ensuring that Scotlandà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s children are exposed to these experiences because in terms of citizenship, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"an ignorant citizen is tantamount to a contradiction in termsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Oliver and Heater, 1994:20) Education for Citizenship Regarding what education for citizenship actually is, the general consensus appears to be that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"there is not much agreement about what it is, other than it is a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"good thingà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Maitles, 2005:2). It à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"is criticised as an indoctrine by some and considered the best route to global peace by othersà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Brown et al, 2009:73). Gundara, approaches the matter from a different perspective by considering not what it is but what it should do; à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"The challenge for citizenship education is the moulding of the one out of the many and to construct appropriate educational responses to difference and diversity within British societyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Gundara, 2000:16) Whilst à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"preparing youth for participation in society has always been an educational goalà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Willems et al, 2010:215), it is in the last ten to fifteen years that education for citizenship has gained momentum in Scotland (HMIe, 2006). The Government was concerned over the apparent lack of interest regarding democratic matters (Deuchar, 2003; Maitles, 2005), and in light of this, the then Lord Chancellor stated à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"we should not, must not, dare not, be complacent about the health and future of British democracy and that unless we become a nation of engaged citizens, our democracy is not secureà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Lord Chancellor, cited in Advisory Group on Citizenship, 1998:8). As a result of this, plans were put in motion to overturn this trend by including citizenship into the national curriculum. This process began in 1998, when the Advisory Group on Citizenship (AGC), produced a report advocating the necessity of education for citizenship (also known as the Crick Report). It echoed the Lord Chancellors comments and stated that citizenship was crucial to our nation to such an extent that education for citizenship would be compulsory. Acting upon this report, Scotland followed suit in 2002 with their report from the Advisory Council of LTS. Much of the report mirrors that of the Crick report, it reiterates the Lord Chancellors statement and both reports highlight the importance of imparting upon children key learning experiences, skills, values and knowledge and understanding. Of particular relevance to this research are those which refer to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"social issues and dilemmasà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Scottish Government, 2002:12) and educating children on à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"the diversity of identities within Scotlandand the need for mutual respect, tolerance and understandingà ¢ â‚ ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Scottish Government, 2002:36). Both reports (and Maitles, 2005) support educators tackling so called à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"controversialà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ issues, i.e. sectarianism, through education for citizenship by acknowledging that many controversial issues are relevant to children. Abdi and Shultz state that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"We should not underestimate the role of education in instilling in the minds of people core human rights valuesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2008:3) and tackling difficult issues in the classroom allows children to address those at the very core of humanity those that are addressed in the Human Rights Act 1998 (National Archives, 2011) (see Appendix I), the Convention on the Rights of the Child 1990 (Office of the United Nations, 2011) (see Appendix II) and allows children to address them in a manner which complies with the Standards in Scotlandà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s Schools etc. Act 2000, Section 2 (National Archives, 2011a) (see Appendix III). Some notable concerns are raised regarding education for citizenship. Maitles (2005) and Maylor (2010), indicate that some academics/educators believe that teaching controversial issues to primary age children is unsuitable. However, as this research has already highlighted, some young children deal with many controversial issues every day and in this era of technology and internet access à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"children are seeing these issuesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (AGC, 1998:12). At primary school age à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"children are picking up, whether from school, home or elsewhereof what social problems effect themà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (AGC, 1998:12; Davies, 2011). Maitles (2005) and Dower (2008), raise concerns over the possible hypocrisy of education for citizenship, with Maitles stating that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"inequalities in society, have a detrimental effect on the education for citizenship proposalsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Maitles, 2005:16) By this they mean educators teaching children about rights and responsibilities and values such as equality and tolerance, to children who, whilst in the classroom may be equal, however, when they leave the classroom, vast social inequalities and intolerances may become visible. In addition, Dower (2008:47), bluntly states that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"To say we all enjoy rights is a mockery, given the realities of the worldà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. Education for citizenship and its associated skills and values must be taught as children in Scotland are growing up in an increasingly diverse society (Scottish Executive, 2006) and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"This education is necessary if we are to live together appreciating and accepting our diversity and differences in a context of social justice, equity and democracyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (James, 2008:109). If attitudes cannot be accepted or tolerated or challenged then people find they have increasingly less in common with each other which leads to at best segregation within communities, at worst, open hostility to each other (Willems et al, 2010), a perfect example being what happened in the West of Scotland between the Scottish Protestants and the Irish Catholics in the 18th/19th century. Intolerance has blighted our society in the past and children must learn from past mistakes, after all, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat ità ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Georg e Santanya, cited in Abdi and Shultz, 2009:1). Sectarianism Sectarianism: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Denoting or concerning a sect or sects: the citys traditional sectarian divide. Adjective (of an action) carried out on the grounds of membership of a sect, denomination, or other group: sectarian killings Rigidly following the doctrines of a sect or other group. Noun: a member of a sect, a person who rigidly follows the doctrines of a sect or other group.à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Oxford Dictionaries, 2010) The roots of sectarianism in Scotland can be traced back to the 16th century and the Reformation of the church. However, it was the influx of Irish Catholic immigrant workers to Scotland in the 19th century which infamously associated the west of Scotland with sectarianism. The Irish Catholic immigrants were an unknown entity to the Native Protestant Scots, who in their ignorance perceived them as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"savagesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Oà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢Hagan, 2000:32). The perception was that the Irish immigrants were going to take jobs and housing from the Scots and attempt to spread their dangerous religion. Bruce et al (2004) explains that the fear and hatred of each other stemmed mainly from the fact that in the 19th century, people wholeheartedly believed in their religion, and genuinely believed that the other religion was dangerously wrong. As a result, Irish Catholics à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"were attacked from the pulpit and in the streetà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, (LTS, 2011a), refused employment, or were kept at the bottom of the labour market by influence from the local church and Orange Lodge (an organisation created in 1795 to promote and protect the Protestant faith (Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland, 2011)). In the 21st century, whilst it is accepted that sectarianism did exist, the general consensus appears to be that blatant discrimination of Catholics no longer exists (Bruce (2000); McCrone and Rosie (2000); Paterson (2000), cited in Williams and Walls, 2000). However, there is an acknowledgment that sectarianism in Scotland is a unique problem (Murray, 1984) and that sectarianism hides in a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"shadowy cornerà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ of our society and only shows itself in peopleà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s attitudes and prejudices (McCrone and Rosie, 2000:200). Oà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢Hagan is more blunt and simply states that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Scotland is a divisive, bigoted society (2000:25) and Reilly, refers to the Sunday Times, which in 1999 described Scotland as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"A country which hosts Orange marches the year round while ceaselessly campaigning for the closure of Catholic schoolsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2000:29). The Scottish Government shared these views, and in 2003 under Section 74 of the Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act, 2003, sectarianism became a criminal offence (Nil By Mouth, 2011). Sectarianism in 21st century Scotland is largely associated with football and schools (Lynch, 2000), with Celtic Football Club (CFC) and Rangers Football Club (RFC) being particularly linked with sectarianism. CFC was founded in 1888 by Brother Walfrid, initially a charity, it was set up by Irish immigrants, for Irish immigrants, whilst RFC was founded in 1872 by the McNeil family (Murray, 1984). In 1912, the shipbuilders Harland and Wolff arrived on the Clyde from Belfast and brought with them a workforce of Protestant/Orange workers who in defiance of Catholic Celtic, gave their support to Rangers and so the two clubs were defined in history. In recent years, the two clubs, in association with the Scottish Government have provided programmes to combat the sectarianism with which they are associated with (Nil By Mouth, 2011; Scottish Executive, 2006a). The current picture remains that Celtic and Rangers are still associated with their intolerant historic pasts which is passed down from one generation to the next. Youngsters, who have no interest in religion themselves, are encouraged to learn the sectarian stories and songs from their fathers and grandfathers and whilst not understanding the real meaning of the words, will enter the football stadiums and become à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢90 minute bigotsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Deuchar, Holligan, 2008:12; Bruce, 2000) Catholic schools have been a stone of contention in Scotland since they were granted state-funding in the Scotland Education Act (1918) (Bruce et al, 2004). Although the schools originated in the same manner as Protestant schools (ibid), Catholics were condemned for wanting their own schools attached to their own churches. Those who claim that sectarianism is in decline claim that there is no need for Catholic schools and that they should be boarded up for the sake of social harmony, and those who claim that there is sectarianism in Scotland claim Catholic schools are responsible and should be boarded up (Reilly, 2000). Such negative perceptions of Catholic schools, yet there is no evidence that Catholic schools encourage or breed sectarianism (ibid). At the root of sectarianism, in its truest sense, is religion. In the 21st century, on the matter of sectarianism, the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, the Rt. Reverend Bill Hewitt à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"demanded that sectarianism be stamped out from Scotlandthe country must become more tolerant and inclusive or society would sufferà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Scottish Christian, 2009) and one year later, these views were reiterated by the Rev Ian Galloway, (cited in Herald Scotland, 2010). Meanwhile, the Scottish Catholic Church claimed that sectarianism was still very much in abundance in Scotland. The director of the Scottish Catholic Media Office is quoted stating that: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"The bigotry, the bile, the sectarian undercurrents and innuendos must end. Such hateful attitudes have had their day. They poison the well of community life. They must be excised and cast out once and for allà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Kearney, cited in Herald Glasgow, 2010). This section has focused primarily on the Catholic/Protestant take on sectarianism as it is this that Scotland is infamous for. However, it must be noted that sectarianism can apply to any religion. MacMillan, discusses the plight of the Muslim community in Glasgow who have been slated for wanting to open their own school with accusations that their à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"display on difference are root causes of social divisionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2000:266). In order to prevent history repeating itself, the next generation must be educated in such a manner so that Scotland can à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"put sectarian attitudes into dustbin of history and build a better societyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (J.McConnell, 2006). Education for Citizenship as a means to eradicate sectarian values and attitudes from Scotland The Scottish Government claim that Education for Citizenship has the potential to address the negative values and attitudes that feed sectarianism and stresses the importance that education plays in à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"eradicating sectarianism in Scotlandà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and claims that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Curriculum for Excellence is itself a programme for tackling sectarianismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Salmond, 2005). This view is supported by Deuchar and Holligan, who after identifying that youngster received little input regarding sectarianism in schoolà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s stated that Curriculum for Excellence is the opportunity to teach controversial issues (2008). To support these claims, the Scottish Government created an educational resource for teachers called à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Donà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t Give it, Donà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t Take ità ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, with the sole aim of supporting teachers to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"promote anti-discriminationà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Scottish Government, 2005). Then, in 2007, HMIe, released à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Count Us In: Promoting understanding and combating sectarianismà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, which provided examples of initiatives which promote anti-sectarianism. They highlight the importance of addressing this issue with young children because à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"the result of sectarianismcan be that young people develop limited ways of thinking which narrows their view of the world and damages their relationship with othersà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2007:1), therefore, we must teach our children to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"see beyond their own interests and commitment and take a wider, more impartial viewà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ of the world (Mil ler, 2000:29). Schools across Scotland have adopted a wide variety à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"of approaches to anti-sectarian education which contribute to successful learningà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (HMIe, 2007:6) and the evidence gathered from school inspections indicate that primary school children have embraced these approaches positively (HMIe, 2007). One popular approach is à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"twinningà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢, where neighbouring schools, one denominational and one non-denominational come together to work collaboratively on an anti-sectarian project. Angie Kotler, Strategic Director of the Schools Linking Network, supports à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"twinningà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ as it creates opportunities to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"develop and deepen childrenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s knowledge and understanding of identity/ies, diversity, equality and communityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2010:49). She also stresses the importance of addressing controversial issues in schools as we cannot assume that children will have other opportunities to develop their knowledge and understanding. Education for citizenship is a means by which this can be achieved as it is a vessel for tackling controversial issues such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"human rights, peace and conflict resolution, social equality and appreciation of diversityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (LTS, 2011b). Through these issues, sectarianism in Scotland can be addressed and hopefully, in time, the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"legacy of sectarianism in Scotlandà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ can be wiped out (Salmond, 2005). However, if initiatives such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"twinningà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ are to be done successfully then according to Dr Uvanney Maylor (Reader in Education, University of Bedfordshire), à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"lessons promoting shared values and citizenship belonging would need to facilitate an appreciation of how à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"differenceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ is experienced outside schoolà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2010:247), an opinion echoing that of one made earlier by Maitles (2005) and Dower (2008). Maylor states that children will only be able to understand and respect diversity if they have learnt to understand and respect their own identity, (2010). In schools this can be achieved by creating a positive school ethos which challenges sectarianism and religious prejudice whilst encouraging and promoting diversity, social inclusion, equality, equity and positive behaviour (LTS, 2011c). In 2003, Finn, stated that, with regards to sectarianism, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"educationhas much to contribute to an understanding of this conflict. So far it has failed to do soà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (2003:905). With the implementation of the Curriculum for Excellence and supporting documents from HMIe, it appears that education is striving to overturn this perception and is sending a clear message that sectarianism will not be tolerated within Scottish primary schools (HMIe, 2007). Perhaps, in Scotland, with its unique relationship with sectarianism à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"this entails, as a matter of urgency, a new and more inclusive definition of Scottishness if the nation is to be one and at peace with itselfthe Scotland of the future must contain no inner exilesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ (Reilly, 2000:39). 3083 words Appendix I Human Rights Act 1998 Articles relevant to this review are: Article 9 Freedom of thought, conscience and religion 1. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief, in worship, teaching, practice and observance. 2. Freedom to manifest oneà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s religion or beliefs shall be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of public safety, for the protection of public order, health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. Article 14 Prohibition of discrimination The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in this Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, colour, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority, property, birth or other status. (National Archives, 2011) Appendix II Convention on the Rights of the Child 1990 Articles relevant to this review are: Article 12 1. States Parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child. 2. For this purpose, the child shall in particular be provided the opportunity to be heard in any judicial and administrative proceedings affecting the child, either directly, or through a representative or an appropriate body, in a manner consistent with the procedural rules of national law. Article 13 1. The child shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of the childs choice. 2. The exercise of this right may be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary: (a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others; or (b) For the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or morals. Article 14 1. States Parties shall respect the right of the child to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. 2. States Parties shall respect the rights and duties of the parents and, when applicable, legal guardians, to provide direction to the child in the exercise of his or her right in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child. 3. Freedom to manifest ones religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health or morals, or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others. (Office of the United Nations, 2011) Appendix III Standards in Scotlandà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s Schools etc. Act 2000 Section 2: Duty of education authority in providing school education (1) Where school education is provided to a child or young person by, or by virtue of arrangements made, or entered into, by, an education authority it shall be the duty of the authority to secure that the education is directed to the development of the personality, talents and mental and physical abilities of the child or young person to their fullest potential. (2) In carrying out their duty under this section, an education authority shall have due regard, so far as is reasonably practicable, to the views (if there is a wish to express them) of the child or young person in decisions that significantly affect that child or young person, taking account of the child or young personà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s age and maturity. (National Archives, 2011a)

E-commerce †the legal considerations Essay - 1345 Words

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